Relationship rules theory

Table of Contents Historically, the just war tradition--a set of mutually agreed rules of combat-may be said to commonly evolve between two culturally similar enemies. War should always be a last resort. Yet if an unconditional surrender policy does suitably raise the stakes of fighting war it may act as a sufficient deterrent against possible aggressors or act as a useful diplomatic tool to bring a worried enemy back to peaceful overtures. Conference proceedings are regularly published, offering readers a breadth of issues that the topic stirs: for example, Alexander Moseley and Richard Norman, eds. Relationship rules theory. Examining each in turn draws attention to the relevant problems. Whilst this provides just war theory with the advantage of flexibility, the lack of a strict ethical framework means that the principles themselves are open to broad interpretations. Arguably, the very nature of the warring participants’ vision of each other and of themselves will color the proceedings both politically and morally. Victor’s Justice: The Tokyo War Crimes Trial. According to Kant, possessing good intent constitutes the only condition of moral activity, regardless of the consequences envisioned or caused, and regardless, or even in spite, of any self interest in the action the agent may have.

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. For example, if nation A invades a land belonging to the people of nation B, then B has just cause to take the land back. Yet increasingly, the rule of law - the need to hold violators and transgressors responsible for their actions in war and therefore after the battle - is making headway onto the battlefield.

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. Against these two ethical positions, just war theory offers a series of principles that aim to retain a plausible moral framework for war. Jokic Alexsander, and Anthony Ellis eds. Aquinas's thoughts become the model for later Scholastics and Jurists to expand and to gradually to universalize beyond Christendom – notably, for instance, in relations with the peoples of America following European incursions into the continent. In principle such a prescription is commendable, yet the nature of war is not so clean cut when military targets can be hidden amongst civilian centers. Immunity from war can be reasoned from the fact that their existence and activity is not part of the essence of war, which is the killing of combatants. The issue of intention raises the concern of practicalities as well as consequences, both of which should be considered before declaring war. The justification can be either theoretical or historical. However, it does not seem morally reasonable to completely gun down a barely armed albeit belligerent tribe. Just War Theory Just war theory deals with the justification of how and why wars are fought. Assume that victory is given, that the army has defeated its enemy on the battlefield so attention turns to the nature of the post bellum justice of dealing with the defeated regardless of its intentions beforehand. Responsibility for acts of war relate back to the tenets of jus ad bellum as well as jus in bello, for the justification of going to war involves responsibility as well as the acts ordered and committed in war. The just war theory also has a long history. Human Rights and Military Intervention, Paul Robinson, ed., Just War in a Comparative Perspective, Alexsander Jokic, ed., War Crimes and Collective Wrongdoing. Just war theory would reject them as it would reject waging war to defend a leader’s “honor” following an insult. On the whole the principles offered by jus ad bellum are useful guidelines for reviewing the morality of going to war that are not tied to the intrinsicist’s absolutism or consequentialist’s open-endedness. Generally, consequentialists and act utilitarians may claim that if military victory is sought then all methods should be employed to ensure it is gained at a minimum of expense and time. The notion of proper authority therefore requires thinking about what is meant by sovereignty, what is meant by the state, and what is the proper relationship between a people and its government. The theoretical aspect is concerned with ethically justifying war and the forms that warfare may or may not take. But there are those of a more skeptical persuasion who do not believe that morality can or should exist in war: its very nature precludes ethical concerns. Possessing just cause is the first and arguably the most important condition of jus ad bellum. But as there are several ethical viewpoints, there are also several common reasons laid against the need or the possibility of morality in war. Most theorists hold that initiating acts of aggression is unjust and gives a group a just cause to defend itself. But unless "aggression" is defined, this proscription is rather open-ended. With regards to just cause, a policy of war requires a goal, and that goal must be proportional to the other principles of just cause. This article has described the main tenets of the just war theory, as well as some of the problems that it entails. But the concept of sovereignty raises a plethora of issues to consider here. A different skeptical argument, one advanced by Michael Walzer, is that the invention of nuclear weapons alters war so much that our notions of morality-and hence just war theories-become redundant. The principle of reasonable success is consequentialist in that the costs and benefits of a campaign must be calculated. In fighting a just war in which only military targets are attacked, it is still possible to breach morality by employing disproportionate force against an enemy. The theory bridges theoretical and applied ethics, since it demands an adherence, or at least a consideration of meta-ethical conditions and models, as well as prompting concern for the practicalities of war. Of course, if promises of an amnesty or fair treatment of prisoners is reneged on by the victor, then all trust for future arrangements is lost and the consequences imply embedding hatreds and mistrust for generations. In the political circles, justification of war still requires even in the most critical analysis a superficial acknowledgement of justification. Voluntarists may invoke the boxing ring analogy: punching another individual is not morally supportable in a civilized community, but those who voluntarily enter the boxing ring renounce their right not to be hit. A defeated army and indeed the civilian body from which the army stems should thus be prepared to subject itself to the imposition of rules and forms of punishments, humiliation, and even retributions that it would not otherwise agree to. On the other hand, it can be argued that being a civilian does not necessarily mean that one is not a threat and hence not a legitimate target. Putatively, a just war cannot be considered to be just if reasons of national interest are paramount or overwhelm the pretext of fighting aggression. Whilst not going into the reasons why the other explanations do not offer a useful condition of just cause, the consensus is that an initiation of physical force is wrong and may justly be resisted. Yet the just war theorist wishes to underline the need to attempt all other solutions but also to tie the justice of the war to the other principles of jus ad bellum too. The lives, values, and resources that have been fought for must now be handed over to the conquerors. Self-defense against physical aggression, therefore, is putatively the only sufficient reason for just cause. Principles of justice may then be applied to each situation. Following the cessation of a war, three possibilities emerge: either the army has been defeated, has been victorious, or it has agreed to a ceasefire. An Introduction to Political Philosophy. One strong implication of the justice of warfare being a separate topic of analysis to the justice of war is that the theory thus permits the judging of acts within war to be dissociated from it cause. However, “right intention” masks many philosophical problems. Consider the demands for reparations. The final guide of jus ad bellum is that the desired end should be proportional to the means used. Others may counsel civil disobedience and other forms of intransigence to signal displeasure. Accordingly, they are complemented by other considerations that are not always explicitly taken up in the traditional exposition of jus In bello, this is especially true in the case of the issue of responsibility. Proportionality for jus In bello requires tempering the extent and violence of warfare to minimize destruction and casualties. On grounds of discrimination, assassination would be justifiable if the target were legitimate and not, say, the wife or children of a legitimate target. The three aspects are by no means mutually exclusive, but they offer a set of moral guidelines for waging war that are neither unrestricted nor too restrictive. As such, a ceasefire would be merely a respite for the military to regain its strengths. At this point, the attraction for jus post bellum thinkers is to return to the initial justice of the war. Which dating site should i use quiz. But, arguably, such acts do remain atrocities by virtue of the just war conventions that some things in war are deemed to be inexcusable, regardless of the righteousness of the cause or the noise and fog of battle. The problem for ethics involves expounding the guidelines in particular wars or situations. The continued brutality of war in the face of conventions and courts of international law lead some to maintain that the application of morality to war is a nonstarter: state interest or military exigency would always overwhelm moral concerns. His job effectively militarizes his status even though he does not bear arms. Assassination: The Killers and their Paymasters Revealed. That is, when an array of values are shared between two warring peoples, we often find that they implicitly or explicitly agree upon limits to their warfare. Just war theory has become a popular topic in International Relations, Political Science, Philosophy, Ethics, and Military History courses. In the twentieth century, just war theory has undergone a revival mainly in response to the invention of nuclear weaponry and American involvement in the Vietnam war. The extreme intrinsicism of Kant can be criticized on various grounds, the most pertinent here being the value of self-interest itself. Consequentialists can argue that there are long-term benefits to having a war convention. It may be reasonably held that the aggressors deserve punishment of some sort, although Alfred’s example highlights an alternative view of dealing with an enemy, one that reminds the theorist that peace not further war remains the goal. This principle overlaps with the proportionality principle of just cause, but it is distinct enough to consider it in its own light.. For example, by fighting cleanly, both sides can be sure that the war does not escalate, thus reducing the probability of creating an incessant war of counter-revenges.

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. Two Treatises of Government. One can immediately detect that the principles are not wholly intrinsicist nor consequentialist-they invoke the concerns of both models. This is another necessary condition for waging just war, but again is insufficient by itself. War and International Justice.

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. A few of those practicalities have been mentioned here. Realists may defend them on grounds of a higher necessity but such moves are likely to fail as being smoke screens for political rather than moral interests.

The notion of proper authority seems to be resolved for most of the theorists, who claim it obviously resides in the sovereign power of the state. For B to invade and annex A and then to continue to invade neutral neighboring nations on the grounds that their territory would provide a useful defense against other threats and a putative imbalance of power is even more unsustainable. Unfortunately, false flag operations tend to be quite common. Given just cause and right intention, the just war theory asserts that there must be a reasonable probability of success. Indeed, Machiavelli warned that killing an opponent’s family is likely to raise their ire but taking away their land is guaranteed to continue the fight over generations. Early records of collective fighting indicate that some moral considerations were used by warriors to limit the outbreak or to rein in the potential devastation of warfare. Whilst skeptical positions may be derived from consequentialist and intrinsicist positions, they need not be. References and Further Reading Anscombe, Elizabeth. It would be wrong, on the principle of discrimination, to group the enemy into one targetable mass of people – some can not be responsible for a war or its procedures, notably children. The aftermath of war involves the relinquishing of armed conflict as a means of resolving disputes and the donning of more civil modes of conduct but it also raises questions concerning the nature of the post bellum justice. The just war tradition is indeed as old as warfare itself. Philosophically however they invoke a plethora of problems by either their independent vagueness or by mutually inconsistent results – a properly declared war may involve improper intention or disproportionate ambitions. This is analogous to just war theorists seeking to put mass killing on a higher moral ground than pure massacre and slaughter and is fraught with the same problems raised in this article and in the just war literature. Intrinsicists, on the other hand, can argue that certain spheres of life ought never to be targeted in war; for example, hospitals and densely populated suburbs. The general thrust of the concept being that a nation waging a just war should be doing so for the cause of justice and not for reasons of self-interest or aggrandizement. Moseley, Alexander and Richard Norman, eds. However, the concept of weighing benefits poses moral as well as practical problems as evinced in the following questions. This allows the theorist to claim that a nation fighting an unjust cause may still fight justly, or a nation fighting a just cause may be said to fight unjustly. University of Minnesota Press. Since killing itself is highly problematic, the just war theorist has to proffer a reason why combatants become legitimate targets in the first place, and whether their status alters if they are fighting a just or unjust war. The principle of discrimination concerns who are legitimate targets in war, whilst the principle of proportionality concerns how much force is morally appropriate. Whilst the consideration of discrimination focuses on who is a legitimate target of war, the principle of proportionality deals with what kind of force is morally permissible. A third principle can be added to the traditional two, namely the principle of responsibility, which demands an examination of where responsibility lies in war. But war is a complicated issue and the principles are nonetheless a useful starting point for ethical examination and they remain a guide for both statesmen and women and for those who judge political proceedings. This principle overlaps into the moral guidelines of how a war should be fought, namely the principles of jus In bello. This connects intimately with presenting a just cause – all other forms of solution must have been attempted prior to the declaration of war. That is, just war theory should be universal, binding on all and capable in turn of appraising the actions of all parties over and above any historically formed conventions

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